“Prin codri de simboluri petrece omu-n viaţă / Şi toate-l cercetează c-un ochi prietenesc.” (Man walks BECIU, Camelia, , Comunicare şi discurs mediatic. Camelia Beciu states that any “electoral debate (or any other mediatic product) is a relevant .. BECIU, Camelia, , Comunicare şi discurs mediatic. Camelia BECIU (National University of Political Studies and Public Administration, .. Revista română de comunicare ºi relaţii publice si la notion d’identité est une ressource pour la compréhension conceptuelle et empirique de la diaspora. Acest studiu explorativ investighează construcţia, prin discursul mediatic.

Author: Kagabar Faujin
Country: Mauritius
Language: English (Spanish)
Genre: Spiritual
Published (Last): 28 January 2008
Pages: 139
PDF File Size: 4.93 Mb
ePub File Size: 17.49 Mb
ISBN: 751-1-26923-798-3
Downloads: 64450
Price: Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]
Uploader: Morisar

The paper examines the way in which social actors position themselves discursively during final debates for presidential elections, both one toward the other, and toward the content of communication, from the perspective of functional theory of political campaign discourse. All five predictions of functional theory were tested in the two televised debates for presidential elections in Romania: The study shows the similarities with the results obtained in other states, but also reveals the significant differences that change the structure of the functional theory predictions.

The solution of the dialogue as a meeting point of identities, as a primordial social practice [2]comes naturally.

It is only thus that one can show one is looking responsibly to the other. Therefore, the politician places himself only apparently in a space that is exterior to common people. His state of exteriority is a fall to great esteem. His presence there means serving the common good. The term is Geworfenheit, to be thrown [4].

The problem is that, once there, he forgets the primordial meaning of this experience and builds his own world, outside the reality of others. Televised debates are the opportunity that politicians can use to return to the interiority where they had been apparently thrown from. It is the moment of the reverse movement. From the outside, the exteriority where they had been sent, inside, to common people.

Authentic, living performance can be the solution for politicians to take seriously the experience of exteriority and to return to the naturalness of interiority. For politicians such an effort is even more necessary, more relevant.

The televised debates remain essential forms of communication for the functioning of democracy Coleman, Although the mediatic discourse exploits first of all the spectacular dimension of the debate, one should not neglect the generative dimension of this discursive genre.

In the metabolism of debate we can see discursive behaviour models that generalise in the verbal interactions in the public space. Televised debate can be regarded as a diagnosis of the civilisation of dialogue in the local political life. From this standpoint, the work is a plea for the reconfiguration of dialogue in dialogic interactions in the Romanian public space particularly in televised political debatesfor the construction of an authentic dialogue, where normality and the deliberative aspect should be considered discursive rules.

In the next section we present a brief introduction to the functional theory of political discourse as strategic positioning of social actors in the semiotic act of televised debate.

The third section contains research methodology. In the fourth section we present the results of the research, followed by some discussion in the fifth section. The last part of the paper is dedicated to conclusions.

This article is based on the premise that televised political debates are conflictual, competitive cameloa interactions. Obviously, political messages and declarations aim to win the election. Starting from this premise, a functional approach to analyze political debates appears appropriate. Such an approach diacurs understanding of the symbolic topology, the relative position mediztic the candidates in the comubicare field of confrontation.

We depart from the five axioms formulated by Benoit The first axiom implies a certain competence of the citizens, meditic have to decide on preference of a particular candidate in a comparative way. In the functional theory of political discourse, candidates are positioned on the preference scale by three discursive functions: Acclamations are positive statements aiming to promote self-image, and to increase the social desirability of the candidate.


Attacks are discursive interventions targeting weaknesses and limitations of the opponent Benoit, The three discursive functions are mutually stimulated and conditioned Benoit and Wells, The two authors suggest a strategic approach of discursive exchanges during the televised debate. The functional theoretical approach in the political discourse is assimilated to a type of cost-benefit analysis.

This paper proposes an analysis of televised debates for presidential elections in Romania, in Novemberfrom the perspective of functional theory of political campaign discourse. We depart from Benoit hypothesis regarding functions of the discourse in political campaigns:. Candidates use acclamations more frequently than attacks; and attacks more often than defenses. Comments on the policy themes will be much more common than those relating to the character of the candidates. Djscurs five hypotheses of the functional theory were tested in the two televised debates for the presidential elections in Romania, November,11 and 12, at Realitatea TV channel, and B1 TV channel cwmelia.

Note here that Klaus Iohannis is currently the president of Romania. The two debates constituted the corpus for our analysis. In order to test the hypothesis of the functional theory, we used the content analysis techniques, mainly thematic content analysis.

The three discursive functions we discussed above were grouped around two main themes: Registration units were considered assertions, claims, statements, and arguments of candidates themesand each theme was coded for one out of the three discursive functions: For the first televised debate Realitatea TV channel, 11 Novemberthere have been assertions concerning the candidates: The first hypothesis is partially confirmed we have more attacks than defense, acclamations occupying intermediate position.

In the first televised debate, the frequencies for each type of discursive function were: The descending order in the distribution of frequencies was maintained in the second debate as well: Only in the case of the opposition candidate, Klaus Iohannis, during the second debate, the relationship between the three discursive functions is consistent with the first hypothesis: Klaus Iohannis used particularly offensive enunciations attacks on issues related to corruption in the presidential elections and diaspora vote.

Victor Ponta used offensive enunciations much more on the Policies theme than on the Character theme. The chi-square test calculated for the three types of discursive functions shows significant differences in the way the two candidates used those functions in the two debates: Table 5 and Table 6 present results from the testing of the third hypothesis. We noticed that both candidates had used general objectives to acclaim more than to attack, with only one exception — Victor Ponta, during first debate, who used general objectives to attack 5 timesin comparison with acclamation one time.

Therefore we confirmed the third hypothesis. The fourth hypothesis was confirmed as well by our data.

political communication culture | Cultures Of Communication – Cultures de la Communication

Both candidates used values more for acclamation than for attacks, during both debates. For the acclamations, Ponta used values 9, respectively, 14 times; and for attacks, 2, respectively, 6 times.

Klaus Iohannis used this strategy even more often becij, respectively, 16 times in the acclamations. The fifth hypothesis was partially confirmed. In both televised debates, cojunicare candidates attacked more on future plans than on general objectives, but comuniacre more on future plans than on general objectives: The data show that the candidate who was already in power Victor Ponta prime-minister at that time used the defense strategy more often than the disdurs candidate Klaus Iohannis, in both debates: The data presented in the Table 1 show that during the first debate, opposition candidate Klaus Iohannis attacked more Table 2 shows how the situation has changed during the second debate, when Victor Ponta attacked more Related to the first discursive function — acclamation — we observe that during the first debate, candidates have used acclamation in relatively equal proportions Benoit indicated three reasons becju which candidates could limit their use of defensive enunciations defenses and be more offensive Benoit, Second, defensive enunciations may create the impression that a candidate is reactive, rather than proactive.


Third, defensive enunciations have the potential to inform or remind voters of possible weaknesses of each candidate. From this point of view, the candidate in power at that time, Victor Ponta, was worse placed than his opponent, Klaus Iohannis. The defensive enunciations of Victor Ponta focused on his past actions 40 and on his personal character 18 in the first debate; decreasing comunicarw frequency during the second debate 27 on past actions.

In the second debate, Victor Ponta has slightly increased his enunciations on general objectives 5 to 1 and future plans 6 to 4in comparison with the first debate.

These data show that Victor Ponta looked for an improvement in his discursive strategy from the first to the second debate. These topics, formulated as attacks, have caused numerous defensive enunciations from his opponent, Victor Ponta.

During the first debate, opposition candidate attacked mostly on past actions, on leadership skills cmelia on camslia personal character of the candidate who was in power. The difference could be explained when we take into account the qualitative content of the two discursive functions defense and attackand the role of political culture in the mechanism of Television debate.

This could be considered an easier approach in comparison with more complex strategies as acclamations. As research limitation, we mention here constraints related to: Tensions of the discursive exchanges attack-defense invite the public, beyond the cognitive processes, to participate in the construction of the decision on their preference for a particular candidate. The particular mode in which social players use the three mrdiatic functions in the debate can be used by voters to decide which of the candidates is preferred.

From this standpoint, the functional theory of political discourse can be regarded as strategic positioning of social actors semiotic practices in the semiotic act of televised debate. Researchers argue that the model of the functional analysis of the debates could be transferable between different cultures, because in their semantic spaces the concepts of acclaim, attack and defense are isomorphic.

The three types of discursive interventions may be slightly operationalized and defined in multiple languages and cultures. However, the present study, but other studies conducted in Europe, such as the study of Isotalus in connection with the debates in Finland, do not fully confirm the assumptions of functional theory.

Still, our study shows similarities with the results obtained in other countries, and highlights on potential differences, which challenge the functional theory assumptions.

The functional analysis of political discourse can be regarded as an instrument that helps us diagnose the discursive behavior of social actors during televised debates, the civilisation of dialogue in the local political life.

political communication culture

Persuasive attack and defence in the presidential debatesTuscaloosa, University of Alabama Press. Digi24, August 2, Ipoteze si ipostaze Discourse Analysis. In this way, we might say, that dialogue precedes language and gives birth to it. Any problem, any crisis can be solved by talking. Dialogue is not possible in whatever conditions, and we, in Romania, today, should know it too well. Dialogue needs a certain type of situation to be born lawfully and to be carried out coherently.

One cannot have a dialogue with a wall; one cannot have a dialogue with something closed. Dialogue means, on the contrary, availability, opening.

How does our life start? With an expulsion outside. And he has to do something about this situation.